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THE ANATOMY OF RESISTANCE TO EXTREMISM: WHY EXTREMISM CANNOT THRIVE IN NIGERIA’S SOUTHWEST.

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THE ANATOMY OF RESISTANCE TO EXTREMISM: WHY EXTREMISM CANNOT THRIVE IN NIGERIA’S SOUTHWEST.

THE ANATOMY OF RESISTANCE TO EXTREMISM: WHY EXTREMISM CANNOT THRIVE IN NIGERIA’S SOUTHWEST.

 

Dr. Marshall Israel.

 

The relative stability of Nigeria’s Southwest is not a coincidence, nor is it the result of luck or superior policing. It is the product of a society that has consistently chosen education over indoctrination, civic responsibility over blind obedience, and communal accountability over clerical absolutism.

 

In a country fractured by religious violence, the Yoruba region stands as an inconvenient truth for extremists and their apologists. Millions of Muslims live in Yorubaland, yet Islam there is practiced through scholarship, moderation, and coexistence with other faiths. It is a form of religious life that recognizes reason, pluralism, and the authority of the community. This is precisely why some northern extremists sneer at Yoruba Muslims as “fake Muslims”—a slur that exposes their own intolerance and intellectual poverty.

 

The Southwest has faced direct attempts at radical infiltration. Extremist clerics entered Osun and Oyo States preaching rigid, imported interpretations of Islam and demanding the politicization of faith through the imposition of Sharia. They expected compliance. Instead, they met resistance.

 

Yoruba Muslim leaders rejected them. Traditional rulers refused them legitimacy. Scholars challenged them openly. State governments backed the people. The message was unmistakable: religious extremism would find no sanctuary in a society that understands both its faith and its freedoms. The extremists were driven out—not by fear, but by collective resolve.

 

This experience demolishes a dangerous global myth: that religious violence is inevitable in deeply religious societies. It is not. Extremism flourishes where ignorance is protected, where clerics are unaccountable, and where the state abdicates its responsibility to educate and govern. It collapses where communities are informed, institutions are strong, and leaders are willing to confront radicalism rather than excuse it.

 

The chaos and crisis in the North is therefore not a failure of religion, but a failure of leadership and civic enlightenment. Military force alone will not defeat extremist ideologies. Guns can kill fighters; only education, social cohesion, and moral courage can dismantle the belief systems that produce them.

 

The onus therefore lies on the religious and political leaders of Northern Nigeria to rise to this challenge by actively enlightening and educating their people, especially the younger generation. They must take responsibility for monitoring certain imams and the content of teachings delivered in madrassas and mosques, to ensure they promote peace, coexistence, and respect for the rule of law rather than extremism.

 

For the international community, the lesson is clear—and deeply uncomfortable: stability cannot be imposed from above, and extremism is never defeated by appeasement or silence. It is defeated only when societies refuse to surrender reason to dogma and culture to fanaticism. Southwest Nigeria already offers a working model of this resistance. The real tragedy is not that such a model exists, but that it has not been replicated where it is needed most.

Beyond Seasonal Hype: Structuring Africa’s Fashion and Tourism Economies

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Beyond Seasonal Hype: Structuring Africa’s Fashion and Tourism Economies

Prince Femi Fadina’s piece, “Detty December Is Fading And Our Own Greed Is Pulling The Plug,” speaks with rare clarity. It reads as both a love letter to Lagos and a call for national discipline. That balance is patriotism. Patriotism lives in the quiet work of building a future worth celebrating.

 

The argument lands because the numbers support it.

 

Tourism contributes 2.5% to Nigeria’s GDP, about $5 billion in 2023, far below the African average of 8%. Detty December spending reached roughly $1.2 billion in 2022, yet repeat visitor rates fell from 38% to 24% by 2024. A 10% rise in hotel rates now correlates with a 7% fall in bookings, according to the World Bank.

 

The result has been predictable. Value thinned, costs rose, and visitors adjusted their choices accordingly.

 

I agree that unchecked greed is eroding the brand that was built. But one factor remains missing. Structure.

 

At CAFA, we are mapping a 10 year roadmap for Africa’s fashion economy. Design clusters. Financing pipelines. Market access. Tourism requires the same level of coordination and discipline. Creativity without structure cannot sustain growth.

 

The remedies are not abstract. They are visible, tested, and within reach.

 

Seasonal price caps and tax incentives for off-peak bookings. Integrated transport, hospitality, and experience corridors. Enforced national service standards. Coordinated diaspora marketing tied to fashion weeks. Real time demand and pricing dashboards for operators. These approaches are already working across Africa.

 

Fashion and tourism follow the same logic.

 

CAFA’s 10 year plan rests on Pan-African policy and fashion infrastructure. This includes an African Fashion Industry Development Fund, strategic cotton belts, connected value chains, IP protection and management, design clusters, financing pipelines, and global market access. Tourism can apply this same playbook by building experience clusters that combine music, fashion, and food into a cohesive story.

 

Within this vision sits the African Global Fashion Games.

 

Created by the Lai Labode Heritage Foundation under CAFA’s Afroliganza plans, the Games are positioned as the world’s first Fashion Olympics. They invite global participation through healthy competition to drive investment, creativity, and structured growth across Africa’s fashion value chain. The platform functions as a talent pipeline, an investor marketplace, and a standards laboratory aligned with CAFA’s roadmap.

 

Policy progress is already visible.

 

The Confederation of African Fashion Charter has been signed, with Nigeria as the first and leading signatory. Nigeria is establishing the Nigerian Fashion Federation in alignment with CAFA to structure the fashion economy and unlock jobs, exports, and cultural capital. Other African countries are expected to sign through 2026.

 

This work is strengthened by leadership.

 

Minister Hannatu Musa Musawa, Minister of Arts, Culture, Tourism and Creative Economy, has remained a consistent champion of structure within the creative industries. Her role is central to turning policy frameworks into enforceable and funded programs.

 

Across government, culture, and enterprise, several leaders continue to drive this agenda forward. Obi Asika, through his work at the National Council for Arts and Culture, has consistently positioned Nigeria’s cultural identity as a source of soft power and economic value. In Lagos State, Honourable Idris Aregbe continues to translate policy into action, strengthening tourism, heritage, and the creative economy through active stakeholder engagement and platforms such as Lagos Culture Week. Charles Orasanye’s expansion of Style Business from Nigeria into Abidjan and Dakar reflects a growing pan-African creative infrastructure, rooted in enterprise, collaboration, and shared prosperity. Alongside this, Seyi Vodi’s influence as one of Africa’s leading fashion entrepreneurs underscores the commercial scale, craftsmanship, and global visibility Nigerian fashion is now commanding.

 

Detty December was a spark. The rest of the year must become the fuel.

 

Cultural capital demands long term commitment, not seasonal exploitation. Policy, profit, and pride must move together. The world is watching. So are our wallets.

 

Stay stylish. Stay structured.

 

Aare Lai (Dr) Lai Labode

President, Confederation of African Fashion (CAFA)

 

 

 

Notes

 

Confederation of African Fashion (CAFA) is a continental platform led by Aare (Dr) Lai Labode as President. CAFA is active and in development, with extensive work already underway to build a unified and structured fashion economy for Africa.

 

Aare Lai (Dr) Lai Labode

President, Confederation of African Fashion (CAFA)

NIDCOM clarifies facts in Suleimon Olufemi death row case in Saudi Arabia

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NIDCOM clarifies facts in Suleimon Olufemi death row case in Saudi Arabia

The Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NiDCOM) has set the record straight regarding the death row case of Suleimon Olufemi in Saudi Arabia, following an open letter by Amnesty International urging President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to intervene.

 

In a press statement signed by Abdur-Rahman Balogun, Director of Media, Public Relations and Protocols, NiDCOM said Amnesty International left out key facts surrounding the case.

 

The statement reads partly: “Suleimon Olufemi left Nigeria for lesser Hajj (Umra) in Saudi Arabia and decided to check on a friend in Jeddah where there was an incident in which a police officer was killed, and he was arrested amongst those in the vicinity for murder. Unfortunately for him, while some got prison sentences, he got a death sentence.

 

“With the legal age of the child of the policeman that was killed now over 18 years, the family could decide to pardon him or hold on to the death sentence. After a series of diplomatic interventions, and several meetings with the family which included NiDCOM’s former Legal Director, Barrister Abdullahi Bello, they insisted Suleimon Olufemi must pay blood money (Diyya) to the tune of $570,000.

 

“In any case, NiDCOM, in conjunction with the Association of Nigerians in Saudi Arabia, championed by the Yaro brothers, raised the $570,000 dollars which has been paid into an account opened specifically for this purpose with financial support from Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos State and Seyi Tinubu, who contributed about $150,000 dollars while the rest was raised through GoFundMe initiated by the Yaro brothers.

 

“With the funds raised and diplomatic moves being made by the Minister of Foreign Affairs who has also briefed Mr President, we are optimistic that the Saudi Authorities will pardon Suleimon Olufemi who has been in jail for well over 20 years now for an offence that really cannot be proven that he committed.”

 

NiDCOM further appealed to the Saudi authorities to release Olufemi in the spirit of fairness, justice, and continued cordial diplomatic relations between Nigeria and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

 

The Commission commended Amnesty International’s advocacy role but urged the organisation to present a complete and factual account of the case, rather than pursuing self-interest, according to the statement.

 

Abdur-Rahman Balogun confirmed that the NIDCOM Chairman has been in touch with Olufemi’s family and received his aged parents at the Commission’s Lagos office on December 30, 2020.

 

EFCC files a 16-count money laundering charge against former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami

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EFCC files a 16-count money laundering charge against former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami

BREAKING: EFCC files a 16-count money laundering charge against former Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, his son, Abdulaziz Malami, and an employee of Rahamaniyya Properties Limited, Hajia Bashir Asabe.

 

In the charge, the first in three series, Malami was alleged to have laundered about N9 billion to buy choice houses in Abuja, Kebbi, Kano, and others. The ex-AGF is to account for how he came about 30 houses, valued at N212.8billion, which were mostly acquired during his eight years (2015-2023) in office as Attorney-General of the Federation.

The EFCC may invoke the Non-Conviction Asset Forfeiture clause of its Establishment Act to seize some of the properties. It has a 14-day window to ask anyone interested to show cause as to why the assets should not be forfeited to the federal government.

 

The 16 charges were revealing of how Malami engaged Metropolitan Auto Tech Limited to launder funds. The charges are as follows:

 

1. That you Abubakar Malami SAN, and Abubakar Abdulaziz Malami between July 2022 and June, 2025 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court did procure Metropolitan Auto Tech Limited to conceal the unlawful origin of the total sum of N1, 014, 848, 500.00 (One Billion, Fourteen Million, Eight Hundred and Forty Eight Thousand, Five Hundred Naira) in the Sterling Bank Plc Account No. 0079182387 when you reasonably ought to have known that the said sum formed proceeds of unlawful activities and you thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 21(c) of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act 2022 and punishable under Section 18(3) of the same Act.

 

2. That you Abubakar Malami SAN whilst being the Attorney-General of the Federation, and Abubakar Abdulaziz Malami between September 2020 and February, 2021in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court did procure Metropolitan Auto Tech Limited to conceal the unlawful origin of the total sum of N600,013,460.4 in the Sterling Bank Plc Account No. 0079182387 when you reasonably ought to have known that the said sum formed proceeds of unlawful activitiesand you thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 18(c) of the Money Laundering Prohibition Act 2011 as amended by Act No. 1 of 2012) and punishable under section 15(3) of the same Act.

 

3. That you Abubakar Malami SAN whilst being the Attorney-General of the Federation and Abubakar Abdulaziz Malami sometime in March, 2021 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court did retain the total sum of N600,000,000.00 in Metropolitan Auto Tech Limited as cash collateral for a loan of N500,000,000.00 granted to RAYHAAN HOTELS LTD by Sterling Bank Plc when you reasonably ought to have known that the said cash collateral of N600,000,000.00 was proceed of unlawful activities and you thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 18(c) of the Money Laundering Prohibition Act 2011 as amended and punishable under section 15(3) of the same Act.

 

4. That you Abubakar Malami SAN whilst being the Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Abdulaziz Malami, and Hajia Bashir Asabe an employee of Rahamaniyya Properties Limited sometime in November, 2022 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court did indirectly disguise the unlawful origin of the aggregate sum of N500,000,000.00 paid to Efab Properties Ltd paid for purchase of property known as luxury duplex at Amazon street, Plot No. 3011 within Cadastral Zone A06 Maitama District, Abuja in favour of Abubakar Malami SAN when you reasonably ought to have known that the said N500million formed proceed of unlawful activity and you thereby committed an offence contrary to section 18(2) (a) and punishable under section 18(3) of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022.

 

5. That you Abubakar Malami SAN, Abubakar Abdulaziz Malami, and Hajia Bashir Asabe an employee of Rahamaniyya Properties Ltd sometimes in September 2024 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court conspired to disguise the unlawful origin of the aggregate sum of N1,049,173,926.13 paid through the Union Bank Plc account of Meethaq Hotels Ltd Jabi savings Account No. 0179011105 between November 2022 and September 2024 and you thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 21 of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition Act) 2022 and punishable under Section 18(2) (a) and (3) of the same Act.

 

6. That you Abubakar Malami SAN, and Abubakar Abdulaziz Malami between November 2022 and October, 2025 indirectly took control of the aggregate sum of N1,362,887,872.96 paid through the savings account of Meethaq Hotels Limited in Union Bank Plc when you reasonably ought to have known that the said funds formed proceeds of unlawful activity and you thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 18(2) (d) and punishable under Section 18(3) of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022.

 

7. That you Abubakar Malami SAN whilst being the Attorney-General of the Federation and Hajia Bashir Asabe an employee of Rahamaniyya Properties Ltd sometimes between November and December, 2018 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Courtindirectly concealed the unlawful origin of the aggregate sum of N700,000,000.00 paid for the purchase of the property described as No. 3 Onitsha Crescent Area 11, Garki Abuja (Hamonia Hotels Ltd) in favour of Abubakar Malami SAN when you reasonably ought to have known that the said sum of N700, 000,000.00formed proceeds of unlawful activityand you thereby committed an offence contrary to section 15(2) (d) and punishable under section 15(3) of the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act, 2011 as amended.

 

8. That you Abubakar Malami SAN whilst being the Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Abdulaziz Malami and Hajia Bashir Asabe an employee of Rahamaniyya Properties Ltdsometimes between September 2020 and December, 2020 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, indirectly concealed the aggregate sum of N850,000,000.00 paid for the purchase of property described as Plot 683 Jabi District Cadastral Zone B04 (Meethaq Hotels Ltd, Jabi) when you reasonably ought to have known that the said sum of N850, 000, 000.00 represented proceeds of unlawful activity and you thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 15(2) (d) and punishable under Section 15(3) of the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act, 2011 as amended.

 

9. That you Abubakar Malami SAN whilst being the Attorney-General of the Federation and Hajia Bashir Asabe an employee of Rahamaniyya Properties Limited on or about February, 2018 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court indirectly acquired the property described as No. 3 Rhine Street Maitama, Abuja (Meethaq Hotels Ltd) for an aggregate sum of N430,000,000.00 when you reasonably ought to have known that the said sum of N430,000,000.00 formed proceeds of unlawful activity and you thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 15(2) (d) and punishable under Section 15(3) of the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act, 2011 as amended.”

 

10. That you Abubakar Malami SAN whilst being the Attorney-General of the Federation and Hajia Bashir Asabe an employee of Rahamaniyya Properties Ltd sometimes on or about February, 2018 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court indirectly concealed the unlawful origin of the aggregate sum of N210,000,000.00 paid for the purchaseof the property described as No. 3130 Cadastral Zone A04 Asokoro District, Abuja in favour of Abubakar Malami SAN when you reasonably ought to have known that the said sum of N210, 000, 000,000.00 represented proceeds of unlawful activity and you thereby committed an offence contrary to section 15(2) (d) and punishable under Section 15(3) of the Money Laundering ( Prohibition) Act, 2011 as amended.

 

11. That you Abubakar Malami SAN whilst being the Attorney-General of the Federation and Hajia Bashir Asabe an employee of Rahamaniyya Properties Ltd between March and June 2021 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court indirectly concealed the unlawful origin of the aggregate sum of N325,000,000,000.00 paid for the purchase of property described as No. 1241B Asokoro District Zone (No. 11A Yakubu Gowon Crescent Asokoro) in favour of Abubakar Malami SAN when you reasonably ought to have known that the said sum of N325, 000, 000.00 represented proceed of unlawful activity and you thereby committed an offence contrary to section 15(2) (d) and punishable under section 15(3) of the Money Laundering ( Prohibition) Act, 2011 as amended.

 

12. That you Abubakar Malami SAN whilst being the Attorney-General of the Federation and Hajia Bashir Asabe an employee of Rahamaniyya Properties Ltd between November 2015 and January, 2016 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court indirectly concealed the unlawful origin of the aggregate sum of N120,000,000,000.00 paid for the purchase of property described as No. 27 Efab Estate 5th Avenue, 59th Crescent, Gwarimpa, Abuja in favour of Abubakar Malami SAN when you reasonably ought to have known that the said sum of N120, 000, 000.00 represented proceeds of unlawful activity and you thereby committed an offence contrary to section 15(2) (d) and punishable under section 15(3) of the Money Laundering ( Prohibition) Act, 2011 as amended.

 

13. That you Abubakar Malami SANwhilst being the Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Abdulaziz Malami, and Hajia Bashir Asabe an employee of Rahamaniyya Properties Ltd sometime in November, 2022 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court did conspire amongst yourselves to conceal the unlawful origin of the funds paid for the purchase of property known as luxury duplex at Amazon street, Plot No. 3011 within Cadastral Zone A06 Maitama District, Abuja and you thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 21 of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition Act) 2022 and punishable under Section 18(2) (a) and (3) of the same Act.

 

14. That you Abubakar Malami SAN whilst being the Attorney-General of the Federation, Hajia Bashir Asabe whilst being an employee of Rahamaniyya Properties Ltd and other persons at large between December, 2016 and April, 2022 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court conspired amongst yourselves to indirectly acquire landed properties for Abubakar Malami SAN with proceeds of unlawful activity and you thereby committed an offence contrary to section 18 of the Money Laundering (Prohibition Act) 2011 and punishable under Section 15(2) (a) and (3) of the same Act.

 

15. That you Abubakar Malami SAN whilst being the Attorney-General of the Federation, between June and January, 2023in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court indirectly concealed the unlawful origin of the aggregate sum N537,000,000.00 which you paid for the purchase of the properties namely (i) No. 26 Babbi Street, BUA Estate, Abuja, (ii) 4 bedroom Bungalow, Guesse 2 Brinin- Kebbi and (iii) No. 4 Ahmadu Bello Way, Kano, Nassarawa GRA, Kano knowing that the said sum of N537, 000,000.00formed proceeds of unlawful activity and you thereby committed an offence contrary to section 18(2) (a) and punishable under section 18(3) of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022.

 

16. That you Abubakar Malami SAN whilst being the Attorney-General of the Federation, between October 2018 and December, 2021 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court indirectly concealed the aggregate sum N415,000,000.00 which you paid for the purchase of the properties namely (i) No. 28 Bagudu Kaltio crescent Gwarimpa, Abuja (ii) Plot 13, Ipent 7 Estate Abuja and (iii) A Plaza, Commercial Toilets, Laundry and Warehouse Tanks Adjacent to Brinin Kebbi Market (iv) 100 hectares of land Along Brinin Kebbi, Jeba Road (v) Plot 157 Lamido Crescent, Nassarawa Road GRA, Kano knowing that the said sum of N415,000,000.00 formed proceeds of unlawful activity and you thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 15(2) (a) and punishable under Section 15(3) of the Money Laundering Prohibition Act, 2011 as amended.

Fintiri Pardons Adamawa Farmer Sentenced to Death for Killing Attacker in Self-Defence

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Fintiri Pardons Adamawa Farmer Sentenced to Death for Killing Attacker in Self-Defence

Fintiri Pardons Adamawa Farmer Sentenced to Death for Killing Attacker in Self-Defence

Adamawa State Governor, Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri, has granted a state pardon to Sunday Jackson, a farmer who was sentenced to death for killing a man alleged to have attacked him on his farm in what was described as an act of self-defence.

Jackson is one of three inmates pardoned by the governor as part of activities marking the Christmas and New Year celebrations. The gesture also included the full remission of sentences for five other convicts across custodial centres in the state.

In addition to Jackson, two other inmates, Joseph Eugene and Maxwell Ibrahim, held at the medium-security custodial centres in Yola, Adamawa State, and Kaduna, were also granted full pardons.

Those whose sentences were fully remitted are Joshua James Audo, Adamu Ibrahim, Mohammed Abubakar, Ibrahim Usman, and Saidu Abubakar. They had been serving various terms at the Numan and Jada custodial centres.

The decision was announced in a statement issued on Tuesday by the governor’s Chief Press Secretary, Humwashi Wonosikou. According to the statement, Governor Fintiri exercised his constitutional prerogative of mercy following recommendations from the Adamawa State Advisory Council on Prerogative of Mercy.

The governor noted that the action reflects his administration’s commitment to justice tempered with compassion, especially during a season that calls for reflection, forgiveness, and renewed hope. He urged the beneficiaries to make good use of the opportunity by becoming law-abiding and productive members of society.

The move has been welcomed by many as a humane step, particularly in the case of Sunday Jackson, whose conviction had drawn public attention due to claims that he acted in self-defence while protecting his livelihood.

Current Standing: 2025 Highest-Grossing Nollywood Movies

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Current Standing: 2025 Highest-Grossing Nollywood Movies

Nollywood’s box office race is heating up as fresh figures reveal major shifts among the year’s top earners. The latest chart, compiled as of December 22, 2025, shows strong audience turnout across cinemas nationwide, with new movements reshaping the Top 10.

Gingerrr Makes History as 2025’s Highest-Grossing Nollywood Film

Sitting firmly at the summit is Gingerrr, which continues its remarkable run with a gross of ₦521 million, holding on to the No. 1 spot as the year’s highest-grossing Nollywood title so far.

 

Close behind, Behind The Scenes has surged to No. 2, pulling in an impressive ₦512 million. Its rapid climb reflects growing word of mouth and sustained cinema attendance, placing it within striking distance of the top position.

 

At No. 3 is Ori (Rebirth) with ₦419.57 million, followed by Reel Love at No. 4 with ₦356.82 million. Both films have maintained steady momentum since release, reinforcing their appeal across diverse audiences.

 

Rounding out the upper half of the chart, Iyalode claims No. 5 with ₦306.36 million, while Labake Olododo sits at No. 6 after grossing ₦264.28 million.

 

In the lower tier of the Top 10, Owambe Thieves ranks No. 7 with ₦205.63 million, and The Herd follows at No. 8 with ₦193.37 million. Abaniseté (The Ancestor) holds No. 9, earning ₦164.98 million.

 

Breaking into the elite list this week is Warlord (Olori Ogun), which has climbed into No. 10 with ₦126.01 million, marking a notable entry into the year’s top-grossing titles.

 

Just outside the Top 10, Her Excellency stands at No. 11 with ₦125.1 million, remaining close enough to challenge for a spot as the year draws to a close.

 

These latest standings highlight the growing strength of Nollywood’s cinema culture and the audience’s appetite for diverse stories, from epic dramas to contemporary thrillers. With weeks still ahead in the year, the box office race remains wide open, and more shifts are expected.

 

MUCH ADO ABOUT “A VERY DIRTY CHRISTMAS”  – Tunde Olaoye

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MUCH ADO ABOUT “A VERY DIRTY CHRISTMAS”  – Tunde Olaoye

MUCH ADO ABOUT “A VERY DIRTY CHRISTMAS”

 

The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and some members of the public have raised concerns about the title of Ini Edo’s recently released film “A VERY DIRTY CHRISTMAS”, and The National Film and Video Censors Board (NFVCB) has requested her to modify the title, but this is a tough ask for a film that is already in the cinemas with all the branding materials printed and distributed across cinemas in the country.

 

Ini Edo herself being a practicing Christian could never have attempted to ridicule Christianity with a film title, and as someone making film for commercial purposes, she wouldn’t have attempted to affect her own sales with anything that will offend the sensibilities of her potential customers. This is why I think her film should be left alone. If it was a mistake, it was an innocuous one as there are no intents to offend. She wasn’t attempting to do what Salman Rushdie did with “Satanic Verses” that made Ayatollah Khomeini declare a Fatwa on him.

 

However, we moving forward as an industry, we should note that a modern producer should be a Dramaturg or at least have one around. You must look into the Syntax, Semantics, Pragmatics and Etymology of your title.

 

Christmas is a season of festivity to most people. But if we look into the Etymology of the word CHRISTMAS, it was derived from The Mass of Christ or Service of Christ. Christ itself meaning The Messiah or The Anointed of God. A Dramaturg would have been able to see how the title could have been deliberately misconstrued by the mischievous. She wanted to entertain and teach ,not court controversies, so she would have easily opted for another title if she saw the possibilities of these misinterpretations .

 

I believe she has learned lessons from this and other filmmakers would also have learned. CAN should look at the fact that Ini is not trying to deliberately offend Christians, their points have been made and well understood, going forward, Creatives will do better and avoid such controversies.

 

~Túndé Ọláoyè

DISTINCT AUDIOVISUAL LTD.

Awujale Stool: Court Rejects Wasiu’s Interim Injunction, Fixes Jan 14 for Accelerated Hearing

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Awujale Stool: Court Rejects Wasiu’s Interim Injunction, Fixes Jan 14 for Accelerated Hearing

BREAKING NEWS

 

Awujale Stool: Court Rejects Wasiu’s Interim Injunction, Fixes Jan 14 for Accelerated Hearing

Judge says application lacks merit

 

The Ogun State High Court sitting in Ijebu-Ode has declined to grant an interim injunction sought by an aspirant to the Awujale of Ijebuland stool, Otunba Wasiu Olasunkanmi Ayinde Adesanya Marshall.

 

The ruling was delivered on Monday by the presiding judge of High Court 3, Ijebu-Ode Judicial Division, Hon. Justice A. A. Omoniyi, who held that the interim injunction prayed for by the applicant lacked merit.

 

Marshall had asked the court to restrain the Ogun State Government and other respondents from taking any further steps in the process of selecting the next Awujale pending the determination of his suit.

 

Despite refusing the interim relief, Justice Omoniyi ordered an expeditious hearing of the substantive matter and fixed 14 January 2026 for proceedings.

 

The applicant is challenging the Awujale succession process, citing alleged breaches of the Ogun State Chieftaincy Law and violation of his constitutional right to fair hearing.

 

*APPLICATION IS REFUSED!*

 

OTUNBA KING WASIU AYINDE MARSHALL VS. IJEBULAND.

 

*Verbatim Report.*

 

Wahab Shittu SAN appeared for the Claimant.

 

Dr. Shittu then identifies his application dated 16 December 2025, supported by a 30-paragraph affidavit.

He mentions that the application is brought under Order 38 Rule 4 and Order 39 Rule 1, as well as Section 36 of the CFRN.

 

The application seeks an interim order of the court to preserve the res pending the determination of the Originating Summons.

 

Dr. Shittu backtracks, asking the court to simply protect the res, stating it is particularly necessary now that some subterranean efforts were made to leak the process.

 

He urges the court to grant the application and order an accelerated hearing of the Originating Summons, undertaking to serve all parties.

 

He finishes by saying that this is a motion ex parte, and only the applicant can be heard.

 

The Court asks Dr. Shittu to refer to Order 39 Rule 2 of the Rules.

 

The provision states that all applications must be made on notice, and no application shall be made ex parte unless supported by a motion on notice.

 

The Court asks him if the application is not defective.

The Court states that motions for injunction are not substantive; they resolve or preserve issues pending the determination of a suit, and that principle would be violated if the Originating Summons is taken as the motion on notice.

 

Dr. Shittu responds, saying the court has discretion, that the issue is the protection of the majesty of the court, and that they rushed to the court for protection because they believed the applicant’s fundamental right was being threatened.

 

He adds that even if it is a status quo order, they are fine with it, as it is necessary to protect the integrity of the court, which is not seized of jurisdiction.

 

RULING:

 

The Court has listened to the learned Senior Counsel and had a sober reflection on the facts.

The Court can protect the res, and an applicant in fear of breach can ask the court to protect his right.

 

However, the Court does not think an interim order can be granted pending the determination of the substantive suit, relying on Seven Up v. Abiola and City Express v. LASG.

 

The Court relies on Supreme Court precedent that interim applications must be filed alongside motions on notice.

 

The Court notes that the Applicant has not filed a motion on notice and refers to Order 39 Rule 2, which states that the court must not grant orders ex parte unless there’s a motion for injunction.

 

Where a procedure is laid down for making an order, that’s the only way to get the order.

It is fatal to an application for an interim order to not file a motion on notice.

 

Additionally, there’s no undertaking as to damages, which, in a plethora of cases, has been held to be absolutely vital.

 

The application fails and is refused.

 

The Court, however, is not unaware of the urgency, so the Court orders the Applicant to serve the Originating Summons.

 

The matter is adjourned to 14 January 2025, for hearing.

 

YES! THE OONI OF IFE DOES NOT LACK AUTHORITY TO GIVE A YORÙBÁ LAND TITLE TO ANYBODY — HE SIMPLY SHOULD NOT

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YES! THE OONI OF IFE DOES NOT LACK AUTHORITY TO GIVE A YORÙBÁ LAND TITLE TO ANYBODY — HE SIMPLY SHOULD NOT

YES! THE OONI OF IFE DOES NOT LACK AUTHORITY TO GIVE A YORÙBÁ LAND TITLE TO ANYBODY — HE SIMPLY SHOULD NOT

 

By Wale Ojo-Lanre Esq.

 

In recent times, I have read and listened to extensive commentary on who possesses the right, authority, patent power, or even a supposed “trademark licence” to confer a Yorùbá land chieftaincy title on deserving individuals. Unfortunately, what ought to be a sober intellectual discourse has, in some quarters, degenerated into what can only be described as a “gbá ìgbà ọtí” syndrome—loud, emotional, and ultimately unproductive.

 

This issue must not be allowed to slide into inter-kingship rivalries or royal rumbles that reduce sacred institutions to public spectacle and turn revered titles—whether of Yorùbá land or Òodùà—into objects of mockery. If care is not taken, those who accepted such honours in good faith may one day regret answering the royal call to service.

 

The matter therefore deserves to be clinically analysed and carefully dissected, not sensationalised.

 

The starting point must be clarity. The two foremost traditional monarchs often dragged into this debate are authorities in their own right. Each derives legitimacy from history, ancestry, and acknowledged heritage. Each possesses the authority to confer chieftaincy titles on persons deemed worthy. However—and this is the crucial point—that authority operates within the defined scope of each monarch’s jurisdictional influence.

 

It is therefore preposterous, superficial, and culturally defective to claim that the Ooni of Ife lacks authority to confer a Yorùbá land chieftaincy title. The issue is not the absence of authority; it is the category and placement of authority.

 

The Ooni of Ife does not lack authority to give a Yorùbá land chieftaincy title to anybody. On the contrary, his authority is so vast, so ancient, and so civilisational that it must never be mistaken for—or reduced to—the narrow arena of local and jurisdictional chieftaincy administration. This is not sentiment, rivalry, or throne politics. It is history, Ifá logic, and the irreducible order of civilisation.

 

All serious discourse on Òodùà begins at Ile-Ife. Ife is not merely a town; it is the cradle of Òodùà civilisation. According to Ifá, oral history, and collective memory, Odùduwà did not emerge as a provincial king. He emerged as the progenitor of a civilisation. From him came seven children, and through those children arose kingdoms, political jurisdictions, and eventually what modern scholarship grouped under the linguistic identity called “Yorùbá.” History moves forward, not backward. Ife came first. Odùduwà came next. His children founded kingdoms. Those kingdoms later formed Yorùbá land.

 

One of those children was Oranyan (Oranmiyan), the warrior-prince whose exploits founded Oyo and whose lineage established dynastic continuity in Benin. Others founded or influenced Ekiti, Ijesa, Ijebu, Ondo, Owo, and allied territories. The implication is unavoidable: Yorùbá land is a political and territorial expression that grew out of Òodùà civilisation; it is not its source. In Ifá logic, ìpilẹ̀—the source—always precedes ìtẹ̀síwájú—expansion. The branch does not outrank the root. As the elders say, a kì í fi ẹ̀ka ju gbòngbò lọ.

 

Confusion arises when authority is mistaken for jurisdiction. Ifá does not permit such disorder. Across the Odu, the teaching recurs—here rendered in plain logic—that the one who brings forth does not line up with those who were brought forth. The source receives reverence; the offspring handles administration. The foundation does not run errands for the rooms built upon it.

 

This is precisely why the Ooni of Ife should not issue Yorùbá land chieftaincy titles. Not because he is weak, but because he is foundational. Yorùbá land titles are local, political, and jurisdictional, arising from the kingdoms founded by Odùduwà’s children. They belong to the administrative space of those kingdoms. The Alaafin of Oyo issues Yorùbá land titles not because he is superior to the Ooni, but because Oyo is a branch of Odùduwà’s lineage and his authority is therefore territorial and derivative.

 

To ask the Ooni to issue Yorùbá land titles is to ask the ancestor to descend into the role of a local administrator. Ifá forbids such inversion. As wisdom cautions, when a father reduces himself to the level of the child, the household collapses. The Ooni’s authority is not lacking; it is simply above that category.

 

This also explains why Òodùà titles are not for everybody. They are not casual honours, ceremonial decorations, or political souvenirs. Ifá warns—again in paraphrase—that honours without depth invite ridicule and titles without weight invite disorder. Òodùà titles therefore demand reach, civilisational relevance, and ancestral gravity.

 

Òodùà itself is not confined to geography. Òodùà civilisation exists wherever its products exist—culture, spirituality, philosophy, art, commerce, and memory—across Africa, the Americas, the Caribbean, Europe, and beyond. Wherever Òodùà heritage endures, there lies Òodùà territory in the civilisational sense. A title of Òodùà therefore speaks to a global constituency. A Yorùbá land title, however prestigious, speaks to a defined territorial jurisdiction, historically associated with Oyo and allied political spaces.

 

Yorùbá remains the dominant branch of the global Òodùà race, but it is not the only one. The Òodùà civilisational family includes, among others, the Itsekiri, Edo and Lukumi peoples of the Niger Delta; the Ga of Ghana; the Ewe of Togo, Ghana and Benin; the Anago of Benin and Togo; and the Lucumí of the Caribbean, to mention but a few. There should therefore be no cause for bickering, jealousy, or inter- and intra-kingship squabbles. The fact remains constant: all Yorùbá and other sub-Yorùbá groups, wherever they exist globally, are products of Òodùà, and Ile-Ife is the source.

 

The analogy is decisive. A federal award covers the entire federation—states and local governments inclusive. A state award operates strictly within the state. Both are valid, but they are not equal. Whoever bears a Yorùbá land title operates within an Oyo-derived jurisdiction. Whoever bears an Òodùà title operates within the global Òodùà civilisational territory, of which Yorùbá is one—albeit the most prominent—section.

 

The Ooni of Ife does not lack authority. He possesses authority too expansive to be reduced to local chieftaincy administration. Òodùà titles are superior because the source is always greater than the expression. Ile-Ife remains the source and natural capital of the entire Òodùà race. Odùduwà remains the father; the kingdoms remain the children. Ifá has already settled the matter—and Ifá does not argue with chronology.

 

The source, not the tributaries.

QED.

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